THE SPECIAL ISSUE ARTICLES CONTRIBUTORS ABOUT THE JOURNAL
Janusz Bugajski and Ilona Teleki, Atlantic Bridges: America's New European Allies, New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2007. ISBN 0-7425-4911-9, 285 pp. During the least diplomatic moments of the diplomatic crisis surrounding the Iraq War, Donald Rumsfeld supposedly cleaved the European continent into Gaullist "Old Europe" and Atlanticist "New Europe." In Atlantic Bridges, Janusz Bugajski and Ilona Teleki dispute that simplistic dichotomy. They see in the ten Central and Eastern European (CEE) states hope for Europe, the U.S. , and the Atlantic alliance, but only if those nations' unique role linking the U.S. and EU is neither rejected by Western Europe nor taken for granted by Washington . The authors are right to argue that better relations depend on focusing on national interests over nostalgia and an improved understanding of the CEE states as individual actors, making the book's thorough examination of the "distinct" political and strategic interests and positions of Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovenia, and Slovakia timely and useful (1). However, after those analyses, clear CEE trends seem to exist, and the authors' own CEE policy suggestions for Washington are generally broader and more universal to the region than they admit. Instead of Rumsfeld's binary Europe, Bugajski and Teleki contend that "New Europe"itself is divided between the more Atlanticist Baltic states and central Europe . A CEE state's commitment to the U.S. is a function of the degree to which it perceives Russia as a threat (usually due to historical experience, energy disagreements, or a substantial ethnic Russian minority) and its level of trust in the EU, blind to "Putin's expansionist and restorationist ambitions,"as a guarantor of its security (39). However, this division may still be premature. Recent Russian-based cyber attacks against Estonia highlight the continuing tensions between Moscow and the Baltic capitals, and Tallinn has turned to NATO for assistance, as predicted. Yet, the Czech Republic's controversial offer to host a U.S. missile defense site has strained relations with both Russia and fellow EU states, proving that Prague is not likely to reorient away from the U.S. towards the CFSP in the near future, as the authors might suggest. Although Central and Eastern Europe has historically viewed Washington as a beacon of freedom because of its role in their liberation from Soviet control, the authors warn of the waning post-Cold War gratitude towards the U.S. This is true especially among the younger generations and has allowed the post-Iraq rise of a previously unseen anti-Americanism in CEE countries. The U.S. can no longer rest on its Cold War laurels, and the authors of Atlantic Bridges warn of potential obstacles that apply to each of the CEE-U.S. relationships. In addition to domestic pressure, the CEE capitals are all becoming increasingly sensitive to the mood in Brussels and the practical benefits of friendly relations with Western Europe, including billions of euros in aid. Also, even the most staunchly pro-U.S. governments feel that their sacrifices of prestige, blood, and treasure for U.S. positions on Iraq, terror, and the ICC have gone unrewarded. To mend these relationships, the authors offer several policy recommendations for Washington: foster more investment and cultural links in CEE countries, repay Iraqi pre-war debts to CEE states and funnel reconstruction contracts to CEE firms, aid CEE military reform, reassure insecure CEE allies that the alliance is a long-term commitment with permanent U.S. bases and regular high-level meetings, and extend the U.S. visa waiver policy to CEE nations. This last issue is a visible sore point with the average citizen of every CEE nation except Slovenia and might be the simplest to remedy (the authors agrees – it appears in the index six times). As distinct as each nation is, these policy recommendations apply to almost every state. In order for the CEE states to gain credibility among their EU brethren and serve as an effective transatlantic bridge, Bugajski and Teleki advise that the CEE capitals must be viewed as independent from Washington. Much of West Europe view Central and Eastern Europe as a "Trojan horse" for U.S. influence in EU affairs. The authors consider the question of whether the EU will "Europeanize"the CEE states or they will remain an Atlanticist force in the EU. In the end, they note there is no joint CEE strategy towards the EU. In this case, the evidence confirms that each state considers each EU initiative with its own interests in mind, and the policy divides are as often large state vs. small as they are east vs. west. The authors warn Washington against interfering in internal EU affairs, contending that a policy of divide and conquer in Europe only harms the U.S. in the end. Atlantic Bridges shows that plenty of shared interests remain among the "New"European states. A patient yet engaged U.S. would allow them to form common positions with "Old Europe"and then base a strengthened transatlantic relationship on the interests on which all can agree. Alton Buland
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